Burmese blogger Nay Phone Latt, mysteriously missing
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 1, 2008
The Burmese blogger, Nay Phone Latt, allegedly arrested by the police on Tuesday has mysteriously gone missing, family members complained.
Daw Aye Aye Than, mother of blogger and writer, Nay Phone Latt, said, the whereabouts of her son cannot be confirmed as authorities including police officers in Thuwana and Thingan Kyun police stations and Ministry of Home Affairs deny detaining him.
Daw Aye Aye Than said her son left home on Tuesday at about noon but when they tried to contact him on cell phone at about 1:00 p.m. he could not be contacted.
"And at around 2:30 p.m. the authorities came to our house but did not ask for Nay Phone Latt. They looked around the house. So I think he must have been arrested before they came to us," Daw Aye Aye Than told Mizzima.
She added that the police team led by Maj. Hein Htet while not mentioning their purpose searched around the house, as if looking for someone in hiding.
"We went to the office of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Tingankyun and Thuwana police stations to inquire about him but all the authorities would tell us was they don't know him and he is not here," Daw Aye Aye Than said.
Daw Aye Aye Than said she is worried for her son and could not understand the reason for his mysterious disappearance.
"I am very sad for this kind of unlawful action, I don't understand why they [authorities] are doing this to my son because he is not involved in any illegal activities and does all his work openly," Daw Aye Aye Than said.
Nay Phone Latt, who has a blogsite www.nayphonelatt.blogspot.com, reportedly disappeared on Tuesday. While many of his colleagues believe he has been arrested by the police, there are, so far no eyewitness accounts.
While earlier, some friends said he was taken away by the police from an internet café in Thingan Kyun township in Rangoon, his mother's version indicates that he was arrested while on the road.
While either version cannot be independently verified, it is still uncertain that the authorities have taken him away, as there are no eyewitnesses.
Monday, February 11, 2008
Opening Shan embassy in Germany
Shan representative office inaugurated to mark 61st National Day
Solomon & Phanida
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 7, 2008
In commemoration of the 61st National Day and in order to highlight the struggle of ethnic Shans for freedom, equality, democracy and human rights, a Shan representative office was inaugurated today in Germany.
Spearheaded by a volunteer, Nicholas Ganz, the representative office will act as a liaison office for Shans and highlight the sufferings and struggles of Shans in Burma.
Nicholas Ganz, in an interview with Mizzima said, the representative office, which he named "Shan Embassy" will mainly deal with Public Relations in regard to the Shan people's political struggle and will represent the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS).
"The main purpose of the embassy [liaison office] is to represent the Restoration Council of the Shan State in Europe and in other countries politically," Ganz told Mizzima news.
Ganz, who will be heading the office said, the office came into being after discussions with leaders of RCSS, a political wing formed in 1998, and several visits to the Thai-Burma border, where thousands of Shan refugees continue to suffer as refugees and migrants after fleeing their homes in war-torn Shan state.
"The situation in Shan State is really one of despair because the whole Shan state is occupied by the ruling Burma Army and it has unleashed real war on them so the people are really suffering a lot," said Ganz.
In his statement on the inauguration of the Shan representative office released on Wednesday, Ganz said, "Now it is time, to transform some of the bullets into words and spread the words around the world. Words, that speak about the desire for freedom, equality, democracy and self-determination and the culture of the Shan people."
Ganz said the office will also act as a source of aid that will raise funds and donate to Shan people who are suffering such as refugees, orphan and farmers.
The office was inaugurated on the 61st Shan National Day to make a difference in the history of the struggle of the Shan people, Ganz said.
Meanwhile, Shans in Thailand and other countries today held separate ceremonies in commemoration of the National Day, which symbolizes the unity of the people of Shan State.
On February 7, 1947, four days prior to the Unions Day of Burma, the leaders of different ethnic groups living in Shan State came together to adopt a common flag and national anthem as a symbol unity as a nation.
"This is a significant day in the history of the people of Shan State. Wherever we are, we will always maintain the same spirit and observe this day," a Shan youth told Mizzima on the sidelines of the National Day ceremony in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
Along with ethnic Chin and Kachin, the people of Shan on February 12, 1947 joined hands with ethnic Burmans, represented by General Aung San, and signed the historic Pang Long agreement, which eventually led Burma to independence from British colonial rulers.
However, the people of Shan state were among the earliest ethnic groups that rose against the Rangoon regime, when the spirit of the Pang Long agreement was violated after the death of General Aung San, who is regarded as the Independence father of Burma.
Solomon & Phanida
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 7, 2008
In commemoration of the 61st National Day and in order to highlight the struggle of ethnic Shans for freedom, equality, democracy and human rights, a Shan representative office was inaugurated today in Germany.
Spearheaded by a volunteer, Nicholas Ganz, the representative office will act as a liaison office for Shans and highlight the sufferings and struggles of Shans in Burma.
Nicholas Ganz, in an interview with Mizzima said, the representative office, which he named "Shan Embassy" will mainly deal with Public Relations in regard to the Shan people's political struggle and will represent the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS).
"The main purpose of the embassy [liaison office] is to represent the Restoration Council of the Shan State in Europe and in other countries politically," Ganz told Mizzima news.
Ganz, who will be heading the office said, the office came into being after discussions with leaders of RCSS, a political wing formed in 1998, and several visits to the Thai-Burma border, where thousands of Shan refugees continue to suffer as refugees and migrants after fleeing their homes in war-torn Shan state.
"The situation in Shan State is really one of despair because the whole Shan state is occupied by the ruling Burma Army and it has unleashed real war on them so the people are really suffering a lot," said Ganz.
In his statement on the inauguration of the Shan representative office released on Wednesday, Ganz said, "Now it is time, to transform some of the bullets into words and spread the words around the world. Words, that speak about the desire for freedom, equality, democracy and self-determination and the culture of the Shan people."
Ganz said the office will also act as a source of aid that will raise funds and donate to Shan people who are suffering such as refugees, orphan and farmers.
The office was inaugurated on the 61st Shan National Day to make a difference in the history of the struggle of the Shan people, Ganz said.
Meanwhile, Shans in Thailand and other countries today held separate ceremonies in commemoration of the National Day, which symbolizes the unity of the people of Shan State.
On February 7, 1947, four days prior to the Unions Day of Burma, the leaders of different ethnic groups living in Shan State came together to adopt a common flag and national anthem as a symbol unity as a nation.
"This is a significant day in the history of the people of Shan State. Wherever we are, we will always maintain the same spirit and observe this day," a Shan youth told Mizzima on the sidelines of the National Day ceremony in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
Along with ethnic Chin and Kachin, the people of Shan on February 12, 1947 joined hands with ethnic Burmans, represented by General Aung San, and signed the historic Pang Long agreement, which eventually led Burma to independence from British colonial rulers.
However, the people of Shan state were among the earliest ethnic groups that rose against the Rangoon regime, when the spirit of the Pang Long agreement was violated after the death of General Aung San, who is regarded as the Independence father of Burma.
Burmese weekly journal suspending
Burmese Weekly Kumudra suspends publication for two weeks
Solomon
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 8, 2008
A Rangoon based Burmese weekly journal, Kumudra, has suspended its publication for two weeks, an official at the Weekly said.
Publication of the weekly journal has been temporarily suspended as the Weekly is awaiting permission from the authorities to allow an addition to the name of the paper, the official said.
While not revealing the additional name that is to be added, the official said, "We have been awaiting permission from the authorities about adding a new name on the old one and after that we will start publishing our journal again."
While the official reason for suspending publication for two weeks, since February 1, seems to be normal in Burma, where authorities have a tight control over the right to print journals, a Rangoon based journal editor said Kumudra has been facing a problem in renewing its license.
An editor of a Rangoon based journal, who wished not to be named, said Kumudra has been facing a problem in renewing its license as the license holder asked for a heftier sum to renew it.
"We heard that they have a problem with the person who owned the journal license but I am not sure of it," said the editor.
In Burma, several Weekly journals run their papers on rented license, as the license to print is mostly given to close relatives or friends of the authorities. Most publishers, who are unable to obtain a license themselves, act on rented license, which is normally leased out for a year, with the price depending on negotiations.
The information, however, could not be independently verified.
Solomon
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
February 8, 2008
A Rangoon based Burmese weekly journal, Kumudra, has suspended its publication for two weeks, an official at the Weekly said.
Publication of the weekly journal has been temporarily suspended as the Weekly is awaiting permission from the authorities to allow an addition to the name of the paper, the official said.
While not revealing the additional name that is to be added, the official said, "We have been awaiting permission from the authorities about adding a new name on the old one and after that we will start publishing our journal again."
While the official reason for suspending publication for two weeks, since February 1, seems to be normal in Burma, where authorities have a tight control over the right to print journals, a Rangoon based journal editor said Kumudra has been facing a problem in renewing its license.
An editor of a Rangoon based journal, who wished not to be named, said Kumudra has been facing a problem in renewing its license as the license holder asked for a heftier sum to renew it.
"We heard that they have a problem with the person who owned the journal license but I am not sure of it," said the editor.
In Burma, several Weekly journals run their papers on rented license, as the license to print is mostly given to close relatives or friends of the authorities. Most publishers, who are unable to obtain a license themselves, act on rented license, which is normally leased out for a year, with the price depending on negotiations.
The information, however, could not be independently verified.
Junta announced the date for referendum and election
Myanmar Voting Dates Win Few Plaudits
AP Photo
Advertisement
Multimedia
Myanmar Faces Health Crisis
Junta cracks down on demonstrators
Latest News
Myanmar Voting Dates Win Few Plaudits
US Envoy Wants Int'l Pressure on Myanmar
Suu Kyi Unsatisfied With Myanmar Talks
Web Link
Podcast: ''Tiger Man'' Creates World's Largest Tiger Reserve in Myanmar
Buy AP Photo Reprints
Multimedia
Myanmar Refugees Swamp Agencies
Your Questions Answered
Ask AP: Running Backs and Nuclear Waste
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Myanmar's surprise announcement that it will hold a vote on a new constitution this May and a general election in 2010 drew little enthusiasm Sunday among the military regime's critics and the public at large.
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the first moves by the junta to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
"The time has now come to change from military rule to democratic civilian rule," said the announcement for the 2010 polls, broadcast on state TV and radio.
But critics claim the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy. And at tea shops in Yangon, where morning news and gossip is traditionally exchanged, many seemed unimpressed with the developments.
"I am not interested in their referendum because the results are known already," said 48-year old noodle salad seller Mar Mar Aye, echoing the popular belief that the government is confident its constitution will be approved.
Several people said they were unsure what the referendum was, noting the language describing it was similar to that used for the stage-managed mass rallies the government frequently holds to show the public supports its policies. Myanmar's last constitutional referendum took place in 1973.
The last election in the country, also known as Burma, took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party - the National League for Democracy of detained Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in prison or under house arrest for more than 12 of the past 18 years.
Suu Kyi and other independent political leaders have not been consulted on the constitution or the election process. Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," NLD party spokesman Nyan Win said Saturday night.
"Even before knowing the results of the referendum, the government has already announced that elections will be held in 2010," he said, also implying the government was certain the draft constitution would get approval.
Trevor Wilson, a Myanmar expert at the Australian National University in Canberra, called the move "a step forward," but added that "it is long overdue."
It "is in itself insufficient to mollify either Burmese opponents of the military regime or the international community," Wilson said.
The international community increased pressure on the junta to hasten political reform after it violently quashed peaceful mass protests last September, killing at least 31 people, according to a U.N. estimate. Thousands were detained.
Last week, the United States broadened financial sanctions against junta members and their families and friends, blaming the military's poor human rights record and failure to hand power to a democratically elected government.
A statement from the British Foreign Office in London said "a genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation" was necessary for a transition to democracy, and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Scheduling the referendum for May makes it difficult for the junta's critics to mount a campaign against it, particularly because most of the country's leading pro-democracy activists are in jail, many detained in connection with last year's anti-government demonstrations.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
The country has been in a political deadlock since the military refused to recognize the 1990 election results, saying after the polls the country first needed a new constitution. It harassed and arrested members of the pro-democracy movement, particularly from Suu Kyi's party.
Guidelines for a new constitution were adopted by a military-managed national convention last year, and a government-appointed commission is now drafting the document.
The National League for Democracy has accused the junta of trying to draft a constitution unilaterally, and it therefore "could not be expected to guarantee democracy, human rights and public well-being."
Myanmar's ethnic minority groups, some of whom have been seeking greater autonomy for decades, complained the constitution would give the central government greater powers even as the minorities have been seeking more administrative and judicial autonomy in their home areas.
A clause in the draft guidelines guarantees the military 25 percent of the seats in the country's parliament, with the representatives nominated by the commander in chief.
The guidelines also disqualify presidential candidates who are "entitled to the rights and privileges of a ... foreign country." The clause would bar Suu Kyi, because her late husband was British, thus conferring on her some of the privileges of British nationality.
AP Photo
Advertisement
Multimedia
Myanmar Faces Health Crisis
Junta cracks down on demonstrators
Latest News
Myanmar Voting Dates Win Few Plaudits
US Envoy Wants Int'l Pressure on Myanmar
Suu Kyi Unsatisfied With Myanmar Talks
Web Link
Podcast: ''Tiger Man'' Creates World's Largest Tiger Reserve in Myanmar
Buy AP Photo Reprints
Multimedia
Myanmar Refugees Swamp Agencies
Your Questions Answered
Ask AP: Running Backs and Nuclear Waste
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Myanmar's surprise announcement that it will hold a vote on a new constitution this May and a general election in 2010 drew little enthusiasm Sunday among the military regime's critics and the public at large.
The official announcements late Saturday of the constitutional referendum and the election were the first moves by the junta to set dates for stages of its so-called road map to democracy.
"The time has now come to change from military rule to democratic civilian rule," said the announcement for the 2010 polls, broadcast on state TV and radio.
But critics claim the long-delayed road map is designed to perpetuate military rule, not promote democracy. And at tea shops in Yangon, where morning news and gossip is traditionally exchanged, many seemed unimpressed with the developments.
"I am not interested in their referendum because the results are known already," said 48-year old noodle salad seller Mar Mar Aye, echoing the popular belief that the government is confident its constitution will be approved.
Several people said they were unsure what the referendum was, noting the language describing it was similar to that used for the stage-managed mass rallies the government frequently holds to show the public supports its policies. Myanmar's last constitutional referendum took place in 1973.
The last election in the country, also known as Burma, took place in 1990, but the military refused to hand over power to the winning party - the National League for Democracy of detained Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in prison or under house arrest for more than 12 of the past 18 years.
Suu Kyi and other independent political leaders have not been consulted on the constitution or the election process. Suu Kyi's party reacted cautiously, noting the lack of detail on how the referendum would be carried out.
"The announcement is vague, incomplete and strange," NLD party spokesman Nyan Win said Saturday night.
"Even before knowing the results of the referendum, the government has already announced that elections will be held in 2010," he said, also implying the government was certain the draft constitution would get approval.
Trevor Wilson, a Myanmar expert at the Australian National University in Canberra, called the move "a step forward," but added that "it is long overdue."
It "is in itself insufficient to mollify either Burmese opponents of the military regime or the international community," Wilson said.
The international community increased pressure on the junta to hasten political reform after it violently quashed peaceful mass protests last September, killing at least 31 people, according to a U.N. estimate. Thousands were detained.
Last week, the United States broadened financial sanctions against junta members and their families and friends, blaming the military's poor human rights record and failure to hand power to a democratically elected government.
A statement from the British Foreign Office in London said "a genuine and inclusive process of national reconciliation" was necessary for a transition to democracy, and called for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Scheduling the referendum for May makes it difficult for the junta's critics to mount a campaign against it, particularly because most of the country's leading pro-democracy activists are in jail, many detained in connection with last year's anti-government demonstrations.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962 and has not had a constitution since the last one was scrapped in 1988, when the army brutally put down earlier pro-democracy demonstrations and the current junta took power.
The country has been in a political deadlock since the military refused to recognize the 1990 election results, saying after the polls the country first needed a new constitution. It harassed and arrested members of the pro-democracy movement, particularly from Suu Kyi's party.
Guidelines for a new constitution were adopted by a military-managed national convention last year, and a government-appointed commission is now drafting the document.
The National League for Democracy has accused the junta of trying to draft a constitution unilaterally, and it therefore "could not be expected to guarantee democracy, human rights and public well-being."
Myanmar's ethnic minority groups, some of whom have been seeking greater autonomy for decades, complained the constitution would give the central government greater powers even as the minorities have been seeking more administrative and judicial autonomy in their home areas.
A clause in the draft guidelines guarantees the military 25 percent of the seats in the country's parliament, with the representatives nominated by the commander in chief.
The guidelines also disqualify presidential candidates who are "entitled to the rights and privileges of a ... foreign country." The clause would bar Suu Kyi, because her late husband was British, thus conferring on her some of the privileges of British nationality.
Monday, January 28, 2008
Indonesia's dictator Suharto died in 86
Indonesia's Ex-Dictator Suharto Buried
By IRWAN FIRDAUS
Associated Press Writer
AP Photo/Anung
Watch Related Video
Ex-Indonesian Dictator Suharto Dies
Advertisement
Buy AP Photo Reprints
Your Questions Answered
Ask AP: From Watergate to Jose Padilla
PHOTO GALLERY
Ex-Dictator Suharto Dead
Images of Suharto's Life
SOLO, Indonesia (AP) -- Former Indonesian dictator Suharto, a U.S. Cold War ally whose military regime killed hundreds of thousands of left-wing opponents, was buried Monday at a state funeral with full military honors as tens of thousands mourned.
Throngs of Indonesians lined the streets to watch a motorcade carry his body to the family mausoleum. Many sobbed and called out the name of the man whose three-decade rule, though harsh, brought stability and economic growth to Indonesia.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono led a ceremony televised live across the nation from the mausoleum near Suharto's hometown of Solo, some 250 miles east of the capital. After a reading of Suharto's military accomplishments, a shot was fired in his honor and Yudhoyono offered a salute.
"We offer his body and his deeds to the motherland," Yudhoyono said. "His service is an example to us."
Islamic prayers were said and as his body was lowered, mourners tossed flower petals into his grave. A military band played a dirge.
Suharto died Sunday of multiple organ failure after more than three weeks on life support at a Jakarta hospital. He was 86.
Yudhoyono had already declared a week of national mourning and called on Indonesians "to pay their last respects to one of Indonesia's best sons."
"He was a great man," said Sumartini, 65, who came from a nearby village with her four children to watch the funeral procession. "His death touched us deeply."
Suharto loyalists, who run the courts, called for forgiveness and a clearing of his name. But survivors want those responsible for atrocities to be held accountable.
"I cannot understand why I have to forgive Suharto because he never admitted his mistakes," said Putu Oka Sukanta, who spent a decade in prison because of his left-wing sympathies.
Suharto was finally toppled by mass street protests in 1998 at the peak of the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis.
His departure from office opened the way for democracy in this predominantly Muslim nation of 235 million people, and he withdrew from public life, rarely venturing from his comfortable Jakarta villa.
Suharto ruled with a totalitarian dominance that saw soldiers stationed in every village, instilling a deep fear of authority across this Southeast Asian archipelago that stretches across more than 3,000 miles.
Since being forced from power, Suharto had been in and out of hospitals after strokes caused brain damage and impaired his speech. Poor health - and continuing corruption, critics charge - kept him from court after he was chased from office.
The bulk of killings occurred in 1965-1966 when alleged communists were rounded up and slain during his rise to power. Estimates for the death toll range from a government figure of 78,000 to 1 million cited by U.S. historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr, who have published books on Indonesia's history.
During Indonesia's 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, up to 183,000 people died due to killings, disappearances, hunger and illness, according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the U.N. Similar abuses left more than 100,000 dead in West Papua, according a local human rights group. Another 15,000 died during a 29-year separatist rebellion in Aceh province.
Suharto's five successors as head of state all vowed to end the graft that took root under his regime, yet it remains endemic at all levels of Indonesian society.
With the court system paralyzed by corruption, the country has not confronted its bloody past. Rather than put on trial those accused of mass murder and multibillion-dollar theft, some members of the political elite consistently called for charges against Suharto to be dropped on humanitarian grounds.
Some noted Suharto also oversaw decades of economic expansion that made Indonesia the envy of the developing world. Today, nearly a quarter of Indonesians live in poverty, and many long for the Suharto era's stability, when fuel and rice were affordable.
But critics say Suharto squandered Indonesia's vast natural resources of oil, timber and gold, siphoning the nation's wealth to benefit his cronies, foreign corporations and family like a mafia don.
Jeffrey Winters, associate professor of political economy at Northwestern University, said the graft effectively robbed "Indonesia of some of the most golden decades, and its best opportunity to move from a poor to a middle class country."
"When Indonesia does finally go back and redo history, (its people) will realize that Suharto is responsible for some of the worst crimes against humanity in the 20th century," Winters said.
Those who profited from Suharto's rule made sure he was never portrayed in a harsh light at home, Winters said, so even though he was an "iron-fisted, brutal, cold-blooded dictator," he was able to stay in his native country.
Like many Indonesians, Suharto used only one name. He was born on June 8, 1921, to a family of rice farmers in the village of Godean in the dominant Indonesian province of Central Java.
When Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch in 1949, Suharto quickly rose through the ranks of the military to become a staff officer.
His career nearly foundered in the late 1950s, when the army's then-commander, Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, accused him of corruption in awarding army contracts.
Absolute power came in September 1965 when the army's six top generals were murdered under mysterious circumstances, and their bodies dumped in an abandoned well in an apparent coup attempt against Sukarno, Indonesia's founding father who helped win independence from the Dutch. Suharto, next in line for command, quickly asserted authority over the armed forces.
What followed was a nationwide purge of suspected leftists, a campaign that stood as the region's bloodiest event since World War II until the Khmer Rouge established its gruesome regime in Cambodia a decade later.
Over the next year, Suharto eased out Sukarno, who died under house arrest in 1970. The legislature rubber-stamped Suharto's presidency and he was re-elected unopposed six times.
During the Cold War, Suharto was considered a reliable friend of Washington, which did not oppose his violent occupation of Papua in 1969 and the bloody 1974 invasion of East Timor. The latter, a former Portuguese colony, became Asia's youngest country with a U.N.-sponsored plebiscite in 1999.
President Bush sent his regrets over Suharto's death. "President Bush expresses his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president," said Gordon Johndroe, spokesman for the White House's National Security Council.
Even Suharto's critics agree his hard-line policies kept a lid on Indonesia's extremists and held together the ethnically diverse and geographically vast nation. He jailed without trial hundreds of suspected Islamic militants, some of whom later carried out deadly suicide bombings with the al-Qaida-linked terror network Jemaah Islamiyah after the attacks on the U.S. of Sept. 11, 2001.
Meanwhile, the ruling clique that formed around Suharto - nicknamed the "Berkeley mafia" after the U.S. school they attended, the University of California, Berkeley - transformed Indonesia's economy and attracted billions of dollars in foreign investment.
By the late 1980s, Suharto was describing himself as Indonesia's "father of development," taking credit for slowly reducing the number of abjectly poor and modernizing parts of the nation.
But the government also became notorious for unfettered nepotism, and Indonesia was regularly ranked as one of the world's most corrupt nations as Suharto's inner circle amassed fabulous wealth. The World Bank estimates 20 percent to 30 percent of Indonesia's development budget was embezzled during his rule.
Even today, Suharto's children and aging associates have considerable sway over the country's business, politics and courts. Efforts to recover the money have been fruitless.
Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, was released from prison in 2006 after serving a third of a 15-year sentence for ordering the assassination of a Supreme Court judge. Another son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, joined the Forbes list of wealthiest Indonesians in 2007, with $200 million from his stake in the conglomerate Mediacom.
State prosecutors accused Suharto of embezzling about $600 million via a complex web of foundations under his control, but he never saw the inside of a courtroom. In September 2000, judges ruled he was too ill to stand trial, though many people believed the decision stemmed from the lingering influence of the former dictator and his family.
In 2007, Suharto won a $106 million defamation lawsuit against Time magazine for accusing the family of acquiring $15 billion in stolen state funds.
The former dictator told the news magazine Gatra in a rare interview in November 2007 that he would donate the bulk of any legal windfall to the needy, while he dismissed corruption accusations as "empty talk."
Suharto's wife of 49 years, Indonesian royal Siti Hartinah, died in 1996. The couple had three sons and three daughters.
By IRWAN FIRDAUS
Associated Press Writer
AP Photo/Anung
Watch Related Video
Ex-Indonesian Dictator Suharto Dies
Advertisement
Buy AP Photo Reprints
Your Questions Answered
Ask AP: From Watergate to Jose Padilla
PHOTO GALLERY
Ex-Dictator Suharto Dead
Images of Suharto's Life
SOLO, Indonesia (AP) -- Former Indonesian dictator Suharto, a U.S. Cold War ally whose military regime killed hundreds of thousands of left-wing opponents, was buried Monday at a state funeral with full military honors as tens of thousands mourned.
Throngs of Indonesians lined the streets to watch a motorcade carry his body to the family mausoleum. Many sobbed and called out the name of the man whose three-decade rule, though harsh, brought stability and economic growth to Indonesia.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono led a ceremony televised live across the nation from the mausoleum near Suharto's hometown of Solo, some 250 miles east of the capital. After a reading of Suharto's military accomplishments, a shot was fired in his honor and Yudhoyono offered a salute.
"We offer his body and his deeds to the motherland," Yudhoyono said. "His service is an example to us."
Islamic prayers were said and as his body was lowered, mourners tossed flower petals into his grave. A military band played a dirge.
Suharto died Sunday of multiple organ failure after more than three weeks on life support at a Jakarta hospital. He was 86.
Yudhoyono had already declared a week of national mourning and called on Indonesians "to pay their last respects to one of Indonesia's best sons."
"He was a great man," said Sumartini, 65, who came from a nearby village with her four children to watch the funeral procession. "His death touched us deeply."
Suharto loyalists, who run the courts, called for forgiveness and a clearing of his name. But survivors want those responsible for atrocities to be held accountable.
"I cannot understand why I have to forgive Suharto because he never admitted his mistakes," said Putu Oka Sukanta, who spent a decade in prison because of his left-wing sympathies.
Suharto was finally toppled by mass street protests in 1998 at the peak of the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis.
His departure from office opened the way for democracy in this predominantly Muslim nation of 235 million people, and he withdrew from public life, rarely venturing from his comfortable Jakarta villa.
Suharto ruled with a totalitarian dominance that saw soldiers stationed in every village, instilling a deep fear of authority across this Southeast Asian archipelago that stretches across more than 3,000 miles.
Since being forced from power, Suharto had been in and out of hospitals after strokes caused brain damage and impaired his speech. Poor health - and continuing corruption, critics charge - kept him from court after he was chased from office.
The bulk of killings occurred in 1965-1966 when alleged communists were rounded up and slain during his rise to power. Estimates for the death toll range from a government figure of 78,000 to 1 million cited by U.S. historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr, who have published books on Indonesia's history.
During Indonesia's 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, up to 183,000 people died due to killings, disappearances, hunger and illness, according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the U.N. Similar abuses left more than 100,000 dead in West Papua, according a local human rights group. Another 15,000 died during a 29-year separatist rebellion in Aceh province.
Suharto's five successors as head of state all vowed to end the graft that took root under his regime, yet it remains endemic at all levels of Indonesian society.
With the court system paralyzed by corruption, the country has not confronted its bloody past. Rather than put on trial those accused of mass murder and multibillion-dollar theft, some members of the political elite consistently called for charges against Suharto to be dropped on humanitarian grounds.
Some noted Suharto also oversaw decades of economic expansion that made Indonesia the envy of the developing world. Today, nearly a quarter of Indonesians live in poverty, and many long for the Suharto era's stability, when fuel and rice were affordable.
But critics say Suharto squandered Indonesia's vast natural resources of oil, timber and gold, siphoning the nation's wealth to benefit his cronies, foreign corporations and family like a mafia don.
Jeffrey Winters, associate professor of political economy at Northwestern University, said the graft effectively robbed "Indonesia of some of the most golden decades, and its best opportunity to move from a poor to a middle class country."
"When Indonesia does finally go back and redo history, (its people) will realize that Suharto is responsible for some of the worst crimes against humanity in the 20th century," Winters said.
Those who profited from Suharto's rule made sure he was never portrayed in a harsh light at home, Winters said, so even though he was an "iron-fisted, brutal, cold-blooded dictator," he was able to stay in his native country.
Like many Indonesians, Suharto used only one name. He was born on June 8, 1921, to a family of rice farmers in the village of Godean in the dominant Indonesian province of Central Java.
When Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch in 1949, Suharto quickly rose through the ranks of the military to become a staff officer.
His career nearly foundered in the late 1950s, when the army's then-commander, Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, accused him of corruption in awarding army contracts.
Absolute power came in September 1965 when the army's six top generals were murdered under mysterious circumstances, and their bodies dumped in an abandoned well in an apparent coup attempt against Sukarno, Indonesia's founding father who helped win independence from the Dutch. Suharto, next in line for command, quickly asserted authority over the armed forces.
What followed was a nationwide purge of suspected leftists, a campaign that stood as the region's bloodiest event since World War II until the Khmer Rouge established its gruesome regime in Cambodia a decade later.
Over the next year, Suharto eased out Sukarno, who died under house arrest in 1970. The legislature rubber-stamped Suharto's presidency and he was re-elected unopposed six times.
During the Cold War, Suharto was considered a reliable friend of Washington, which did not oppose his violent occupation of Papua in 1969 and the bloody 1974 invasion of East Timor. The latter, a former Portuguese colony, became Asia's youngest country with a U.N.-sponsored plebiscite in 1999.
President Bush sent his regrets over Suharto's death. "President Bush expresses his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president," said Gordon Johndroe, spokesman for the White House's National Security Council.
Even Suharto's critics agree his hard-line policies kept a lid on Indonesia's extremists and held together the ethnically diverse and geographically vast nation. He jailed without trial hundreds of suspected Islamic militants, some of whom later carried out deadly suicide bombings with the al-Qaida-linked terror network Jemaah Islamiyah after the attacks on the U.S. of Sept. 11, 2001.
Meanwhile, the ruling clique that formed around Suharto - nicknamed the "Berkeley mafia" after the U.S. school they attended, the University of California, Berkeley - transformed Indonesia's economy and attracted billions of dollars in foreign investment.
By the late 1980s, Suharto was describing himself as Indonesia's "father of development," taking credit for slowly reducing the number of abjectly poor and modernizing parts of the nation.
But the government also became notorious for unfettered nepotism, and Indonesia was regularly ranked as one of the world's most corrupt nations as Suharto's inner circle amassed fabulous wealth. The World Bank estimates 20 percent to 30 percent of Indonesia's development budget was embezzled during his rule.
Even today, Suharto's children and aging associates have considerable sway over the country's business, politics and courts. Efforts to recover the money have been fruitless.
Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, was released from prison in 2006 after serving a third of a 15-year sentence for ordering the assassination of a Supreme Court judge. Another son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, joined the Forbes list of wealthiest Indonesians in 2007, with $200 million from his stake in the conglomerate Mediacom.
State prosecutors accused Suharto of embezzling about $600 million via a complex web of foundations under his control, but he never saw the inside of a courtroom. In September 2000, judges ruled he was too ill to stand trial, though many people believed the decision stemmed from the lingering influence of the former dictator and his family.
In 2007, Suharto won a $106 million defamation lawsuit against Time magazine for accusing the family of acquiring $15 billion in stolen state funds.
The former dictator told the news magazine Gatra in a rare interview in November 2007 that he would donate the bulk of any legal windfall to the needy, while he dismissed corruption accusations as "empty talk."
Suharto's wife of 49 years, Indonesian royal Siti Hartinah, died in 1996. The couple had three sons and three daughters.
Sunday, January 20, 2008
exclusive interview with Gambari
Lalit K Jha
Sunday, January 20, 2008 (United Nations)
The Special UN Envoy for Burma, Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, is scheduled to visit New Delhi later this month to have another round of discussion with (his) Indian (counterpart) leaders on how they can play an influential and meaningful role in meeting the Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon's goal of a peaceful, united, stable and democratic Burma, respectful to human rights.
Here are excerpts from an exclusive interview to NDTV.com given by Gambari.
NDTV: What has been India's role towards achieving your mission of a democratic Burma?
Gambari: When I took over as Special Advisor to the Secretary General last year in May, India's position that time was ambivalent, and vaguely supportive of Secretary General's role, but they really did not much with that. I do not want to use the word pressure, but try to strongly urge Myanmar to co-operate fully with the Good Offices role of the Secretary General.
I am happy to say that after two visits to India, India's position seems to have evolved. At least they have now publicly said that they strongly support the role of Good Offices of the Secretary General. Secondly, they have also been sending messages to the authorities in Myanmar to cooperate fully with me. I believe that is a step forward.
NDTV: Is it enough?
Gambari: We want India to do more because, as you know - it is public, they are not hiding - India is just in the process of signing a huge contract to build a port there (in Myanmar). What we are saying is that to the extent that gives India some leverage, we would like (India) to help on other front, to be able to send the right messages to the authorities to cooperate fully and make the process of engagement with them and Good Offices of the Secretary General to produce tangible results. So far, some progress has been made, but still a lot more needs to be done.
NDTV: How much influence India has on Burma?
Gambari: It is difficult to say. India is a big neighbor. So, clearly Myanmar should take into account India's views. There are also, insurgent groups who are fighting from Myanmar side of the border; fighting the Indian government. So I think there is some mutual - and of course India is interested in some of the resources of Myanmar oil and gas and others. The way we see it that it positions them to be helpful. It is also true that it modifies how far they can go, how far they are willing to go, but we think they have enough and sufficient influence to be helpful to us in what is our common objective of a peaceful, united, stable and democratic Myanmar respectful to human rights.
This would be consistent with India's own being. It is a democratic country with true commitment to human rights. We also believe that a peaceful prosperous and democratic Myanmar would be even a better partner for India than what the situation is right now.
NDTV: What further steps you would like India to take in the coming months?
Gambari: I would really like to impress upon the authorities in Myanmar that it is in their interest as well as the interest of the neighboring countries, ASEAN and the international community that they engage seriously with the Good Offices Mission of the Secretary General and work with me to bring up tangible results from the engagement. That message has to be delivered, and if India offered to do so, it would be extremely helpful to us.
NDTV: Hasn't India delivered that message in the last couple of months?
Gambari: We read some reports that the Foreign Minister of Myanmar was visiting India. We also read the public statement and hope that even in the private conversation, this point would be made much more strongly. Fortunately, the Indian government has invited me and I would be going there (India) at the end of this month. I would try to find out from them, what further steps they have taken or intend to take and even more importantly what feedback do they have from conversations with the representatives of the Myanmar government.
NDTV: When you visit India at the end of this month, what would be on your agenda?
Gambari: I would like to continue the conversation and consultation on how best we can all work together to bring about tangible results we expect from the authorities in Myanmar. Do not forget, on December 19, the Secretary General inaugurated the Group of Friends of the Secretary General on Myanmar. India is a member of this. So I want to review this, how they see this group, in what direction it is moving and how to strengthen it. Also, to get brief on that conversation with authorities and finally to seek their support for my next visit, which I hope would be sooner than later to Myanmar with the objective of deliverance of tangible results.
NDTV: What are the tangible results? What are you looking for?
Gambari: First of all we believe the current situation in Myanmar can only be resolved through dialogue. A process of dialogue has been ensued between the government and the leader of the opposition. There are three things we are looking for in that dialogue. Firstly, the dialogue should lead to tangible results in terms of advancing the process of democratizations; advancing more inclusive national reconciliation process; advancing the writing of the constitution in a way that it takes into account the views of the opposition and ethnic nationalities group and including views of those who were excluded from the national convention process or decided not to participate because they thought it was not serious. That is something I would like to see either before or at least during or immediately after my next visit to the country.
The second is that hopefully my next visit would also lead to release of political prisoners particularly Aung San Suu Kyi. We believe that if a political figure - her party NLD had won the last election in 1990 - is to be considered as a true partner then she should not be subject to the same restrictions as she is having before engaging her as a partner in the dialogue.
The third major thing that hopefully would come out is the decision by the Myanmar government on establishment of what we recommended as a Poverty Alleviation Commission, because we feel strongly at the UN that the root causes of discontent are not only political, but also social and economic and that these should be addressed.
A commission can begin to identify the scale of the problem and strategies for addressing them. I can assure them if there is tangible progress overall, the international community is ready to help them in addressing the root cause of the discontent.
NDTV: Since August 2007 how much progress has been made by military junta towards achieving these tangible results?
Gambari: Well, they have released some detained people, including those detained in the last crisis in September and October. They have allowed (the UN Special Rapporteur) Prof Paulo Penheiro to come into the country. I have been allowed back and forth in the country twice including the opportunity each time to see Aung San Suu Kyi and to help facilitate the dialogue.
They have also appointed the Minister of Labor as the Liaison Officer, which has had four meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi. She has also been allowed to have, on one occasion, to meet with some executive members of her political party. They have also taken the step to appoint a constitutional drafting committee. Now we recommend a Constitutional Review Commission.
So these are potentially positive, but a substantive dialogue is yet to be started. Aung San Suu Kyi is still in detention. We have yet seen no commitment to open up the process of constitutional drafting that takes the views of others, who were excluded and finally establishment of a broad based national poverty alleviation commission.
NDTV: How much hopeful are you that Aung San Suu Kyi would be released soon?
Gambari: I can only hope sooner than later. The reason: after accepting some one as partner, you can't continue to put that partner in the condition she is now. People of Myanmar would be better served when their leaders are talking about how to jointly address the challenges facing the country. We believe that is the best way forward and this would send the right signal not only to people of Myanmar but also to the neighbors.
NDTV: You are the only one from the outside world to meet Aung San Suu Kyi. What is her vision for Burma? Is she willing to talk and have a dialogue with the junta leaders?
Gambari: You know, the government authorities in Myanmar used to say that she was stubborn and impossible; she does not want to talk. Well she has said publicly in statement that she was ready on her behalf. She was also committed to cooperate with the government with a view to start a dialogue.
I think she wants to engage in dialogue, but not a dialogue just for the sake of dialogue but something that would be substantive, time bound and at some point later would include ethnic nationalities because she realized that Myanmar is no where close where it should be. It is a resource rich country, but has been forced to a state of isolation and subject to sanctions. That is not where she would like her country to be. I think, she wants a country that is united, there is national reconciliation so that it can realize its true potential and also be a respected member of the international community. I believe that she should be given an opportunity to make a meaningful contribution to take the country in that direction.
NDTV: Coming back to India, in the last one decade India moved from being pro-democracy supporter to almost pro-junta and now it appears to be that it is gradually moving towards pro-democracy. How do you assess India's progress?
Gambari: I did not handle these until 2006. I read about India's previous position. Once I started working on this issue first as the Head of the Department of Political Affairs and now as the Special Envoy, it has coincided with what I believe is gradual movement of India living true to its own principles - democracy, open society and respect for human rights. This is where I believe India should be. I am happy we have seen that. What I am urging is to translate this into concrete support to the Good Offices of the Secretary General so as to produce tangible result in terms of our engagement with the authorities and believe that they can do it. I see the willingness that they want to do it.
NDTV: Observers say that in the last couple of months, India has been sending mixed signals. How do you view all this?
Gambari: Well, I guess as a neighboring country the bilateral relationship between India and Myanmar is very varied and multidimensional but what concerns us is not really their bilateral relations, but to use that in our view as an opportunity and leverage to help us by transmitting right messages and strongly encourage the authorities there to do the right thing. We strongly believe that the best guarantee for India's investment really is a peaceful, stable and democratic Myanmar. This would be the best for people of Myanmar and also for neighboring country such as India for sustainability of their bilateral relations and their investments in that country.
NDTV: Do you think, China influences India's role in Burma?
Gambari: I am told that one of the reasons in the past that Indian has not been as forthcoming as they could have been, was geo-political relationship between India and China. And there was fear that if they played too hard on the generals that would push them further in the hands of China. I do not know if that is correct analysis or not. But, what I know is that it is not in China's interest or India's interest or any neighboring country's interest or ASEAN's interest, certainly not in the interest of the people of Myanmar if the status quo continues. It is not sustainable.
Sunday, January 20, 2008 (United Nations)
The Special UN Envoy for Burma, Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, is scheduled to visit New Delhi later this month to have another round of discussion with (his) Indian (counterpart) leaders on how they can play an influential and meaningful role in meeting the Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon's goal of a peaceful, united, stable and democratic Burma, respectful to human rights.
Here are excerpts from an exclusive interview to NDTV.com given by Gambari.
NDTV: What has been India's role towards achieving your mission of a democratic Burma?
Gambari: When I took over as Special Advisor to the Secretary General last year in May, India's position that time was ambivalent, and vaguely supportive of Secretary General's role, but they really did not much with that. I do not want to use the word pressure, but try to strongly urge Myanmar to co-operate fully with the Good Offices role of the Secretary General.
I am happy to say that after two visits to India, India's position seems to have evolved. At least they have now publicly said that they strongly support the role of Good Offices of the Secretary General. Secondly, they have also been sending messages to the authorities in Myanmar to cooperate fully with me. I believe that is a step forward.
NDTV: Is it enough?
Gambari: We want India to do more because, as you know - it is public, they are not hiding - India is just in the process of signing a huge contract to build a port there (in Myanmar). What we are saying is that to the extent that gives India some leverage, we would like (India) to help on other front, to be able to send the right messages to the authorities to cooperate fully and make the process of engagement with them and Good Offices of the Secretary General to produce tangible results. So far, some progress has been made, but still a lot more needs to be done.
NDTV: How much influence India has on Burma?
Gambari: It is difficult to say. India is a big neighbor. So, clearly Myanmar should take into account India's views. There are also, insurgent groups who are fighting from Myanmar side of the border; fighting the Indian government. So I think there is some mutual - and of course India is interested in some of the resources of Myanmar oil and gas and others. The way we see it that it positions them to be helpful. It is also true that it modifies how far they can go, how far they are willing to go, but we think they have enough and sufficient influence to be helpful to us in what is our common objective of a peaceful, united, stable and democratic Myanmar respectful to human rights.
This would be consistent with India's own being. It is a democratic country with true commitment to human rights. We also believe that a peaceful prosperous and democratic Myanmar would be even a better partner for India than what the situation is right now.
NDTV: What further steps you would like India to take in the coming months?
Gambari: I would really like to impress upon the authorities in Myanmar that it is in their interest as well as the interest of the neighboring countries, ASEAN and the international community that they engage seriously with the Good Offices Mission of the Secretary General and work with me to bring up tangible results from the engagement. That message has to be delivered, and if India offered to do so, it would be extremely helpful to us.
NDTV: Hasn't India delivered that message in the last couple of months?
Gambari: We read some reports that the Foreign Minister of Myanmar was visiting India. We also read the public statement and hope that even in the private conversation, this point would be made much more strongly. Fortunately, the Indian government has invited me and I would be going there (India) at the end of this month. I would try to find out from them, what further steps they have taken or intend to take and even more importantly what feedback do they have from conversations with the representatives of the Myanmar government.
NDTV: When you visit India at the end of this month, what would be on your agenda?
Gambari: I would like to continue the conversation and consultation on how best we can all work together to bring about tangible results we expect from the authorities in Myanmar. Do not forget, on December 19, the Secretary General inaugurated the Group of Friends of the Secretary General on Myanmar. India is a member of this. So I want to review this, how they see this group, in what direction it is moving and how to strengthen it. Also, to get brief on that conversation with authorities and finally to seek their support for my next visit, which I hope would be sooner than later to Myanmar with the objective of deliverance of tangible results.
NDTV: What are the tangible results? What are you looking for?
Gambari: First of all we believe the current situation in Myanmar can only be resolved through dialogue. A process of dialogue has been ensued between the government and the leader of the opposition. There are three things we are looking for in that dialogue. Firstly, the dialogue should lead to tangible results in terms of advancing the process of democratizations; advancing more inclusive national reconciliation process; advancing the writing of the constitution in a way that it takes into account the views of the opposition and ethnic nationalities group and including views of those who were excluded from the national convention process or decided not to participate because they thought it was not serious. That is something I would like to see either before or at least during or immediately after my next visit to the country.
The second is that hopefully my next visit would also lead to release of political prisoners particularly Aung San Suu Kyi. We believe that if a political figure - her party NLD had won the last election in 1990 - is to be considered as a true partner then she should not be subject to the same restrictions as she is having before engaging her as a partner in the dialogue.
The third major thing that hopefully would come out is the decision by the Myanmar government on establishment of what we recommended as a Poverty Alleviation Commission, because we feel strongly at the UN that the root causes of discontent are not only political, but also social and economic and that these should be addressed.
A commission can begin to identify the scale of the problem and strategies for addressing them. I can assure them if there is tangible progress overall, the international community is ready to help them in addressing the root cause of the discontent.
NDTV: Since August 2007 how much progress has been made by military junta towards achieving these tangible results?
Gambari: Well, they have released some detained people, including those detained in the last crisis in September and October. They have allowed (the UN Special Rapporteur) Prof Paulo Penheiro to come into the country. I have been allowed back and forth in the country twice including the opportunity each time to see Aung San Suu Kyi and to help facilitate the dialogue.
They have also appointed the Minister of Labor as the Liaison Officer, which has had four meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi. She has also been allowed to have, on one occasion, to meet with some executive members of her political party. They have also taken the step to appoint a constitutional drafting committee. Now we recommend a Constitutional Review Commission.
So these are potentially positive, but a substantive dialogue is yet to be started. Aung San Suu Kyi is still in detention. We have yet seen no commitment to open up the process of constitutional drafting that takes the views of others, who were excluded and finally establishment of a broad based national poverty alleviation commission.
NDTV: How much hopeful are you that Aung San Suu Kyi would be released soon?
Gambari: I can only hope sooner than later. The reason: after accepting some one as partner, you can't continue to put that partner in the condition she is now. People of Myanmar would be better served when their leaders are talking about how to jointly address the challenges facing the country. We believe that is the best way forward and this would send the right signal not only to people of Myanmar but also to the neighbors.
NDTV: You are the only one from the outside world to meet Aung San Suu Kyi. What is her vision for Burma? Is she willing to talk and have a dialogue with the junta leaders?
Gambari: You know, the government authorities in Myanmar used to say that she was stubborn and impossible; she does not want to talk. Well she has said publicly in statement that she was ready on her behalf. She was also committed to cooperate with the government with a view to start a dialogue.
I think she wants to engage in dialogue, but not a dialogue just for the sake of dialogue but something that would be substantive, time bound and at some point later would include ethnic nationalities because she realized that Myanmar is no where close where it should be. It is a resource rich country, but has been forced to a state of isolation and subject to sanctions. That is not where she would like her country to be. I think, she wants a country that is united, there is national reconciliation so that it can realize its true potential and also be a respected member of the international community. I believe that she should be given an opportunity to make a meaningful contribution to take the country in that direction.
NDTV: Coming back to India, in the last one decade India moved from being pro-democracy supporter to almost pro-junta and now it appears to be that it is gradually moving towards pro-democracy. How do you assess India's progress?
Gambari: I did not handle these until 2006. I read about India's previous position. Once I started working on this issue first as the Head of the Department of Political Affairs and now as the Special Envoy, it has coincided with what I believe is gradual movement of India living true to its own principles - democracy, open society and respect for human rights. This is where I believe India should be. I am happy we have seen that. What I am urging is to translate this into concrete support to the Good Offices of the Secretary General so as to produce tangible result in terms of our engagement with the authorities and believe that they can do it. I see the willingness that they want to do it.
NDTV: Observers say that in the last couple of months, India has been sending mixed signals. How do you view all this?
Gambari: Well, I guess as a neighboring country the bilateral relationship between India and Myanmar is very varied and multidimensional but what concerns us is not really their bilateral relations, but to use that in our view as an opportunity and leverage to help us by transmitting right messages and strongly encourage the authorities there to do the right thing. We strongly believe that the best guarantee for India's investment really is a peaceful, stable and democratic Myanmar. This would be the best for people of Myanmar and also for neighboring country such as India for sustainability of their bilateral relations and their investments in that country.
NDTV: Do you think, China influences India's role in Burma?
Gambari: I am told that one of the reasons in the past that Indian has not been as forthcoming as they could have been, was geo-political relationship between India and China. And there was fear that if they played too hard on the generals that would push them further in the hands of China. I do not know if that is correct analysis or not. But, what I know is that it is not in China's interest or India's interest or any neighboring country's interest or ASEAN's interest, certainly not in the interest of the people of Myanmar if the status quo continues. It is not sustainable.
Wednesday, January 16, 2008
Aung San Suu Kyi will be on the screen
Film on Burma 's detained Nobel Laureate to commence soon
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 15, 2008 - Italian film director Giuseppe Tornatore will soon capture the journey of Burmese pro-democracy icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, on celluloid in an effort to honour and highlight her struggle to restore democracy in her native land.
It will be an English film with an estimated budget of 30 million US dollars, Naofumi Okamoto, the film's Japanese producer said. Okamoto happens to be among the very few foreigners, who have met the detained Burmese leader. She has been under house arrest for the last 12 years of the 18 years she has spent in Burma.
Speaking to Mizzima over the telephone, Okamoto said, "The purpose of producing this film is to honour Noble Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, because she chooses to be a mother to a nation instead of being a mother to a family, it is a very difficult thing for women to do."
The film's script will be completed in May and shooting is likely to begin by September or October this year. It would be the first movie depicting the life and times of the Nobel Laureate.
"We are still working on the script, it may be finished by May and after that we will start shooting," Okamoto said.
According to the producer, the film would be shot in Southeast Asia, with Thailand and Vietnam being the most likely venues. Malaysia could also be considered. However, he added that nothing had been confirmed yet. He had chosen Italian award winning director Tornatore, as he was famous for making women-centric films, Okamoto said.
The Japanese producer, who had a chance to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the early 1990s, said he has been working on the film for several years and had finally, thought of commencing shooting.
"I have been trying to make this film for the past ten years and we have already met three times [with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] and also got the permission from her for creating this film," Okamoto said.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burma's independence hero General Aung San, who spearheaded the Burmese independence movement against the British colonial rulers. Educated at Oxford University and married to an English scholar, Suu Kyi, returned to her homeland in 1988, only to be met with political chaos, where the student-led protestors put an end to the more then 20 years of one party rule in the country.
She was catapulted to lead the Burmese Opposition after her public speeches during the time of protests. She later formed a political party – the National League for Democracy – which won a landslide victory in the 1990 General Elections.
Despite leading her party to victory, Suu Kyi was never allowed to govern the country, which her father had envisaged as a free and prosperous nation. Instead, the military rulers had her put under house arrest, detaining her for the past 12 of 18 years.
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 15, 2008 - Italian film director Giuseppe Tornatore will soon capture the journey of Burmese pro-democracy icon, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, on celluloid in an effort to honour and highlight her struggle to restore democracy in her native land.
It will be an English film with an estimated budget of 30 million US dollars, Naofumi Okamoto, the film's Japanese producer said. Okamoto happens to be among the very few foreigners, who have met the detained Burmese leader. She has been under house arrest for the last 12 years of the 18 years she has spent in Burma.
Speaking to Mizzima over the telephone, Okamoto said, "The purpose of producing this film is to honour Noble Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, because she chooses to be a mother to a nation instead of being a mother to a family, it is a very difficult thing for women to do."
The film's script will be completed in May and shooting is likely to begin by September or October this year. It would be the first movie depicting the life and times of the Nobel Laureate.
"We are still working on the script, it may be finished by May and after that we will start shooting," Okamoto said.
According to the producer, the film would be shot in Southeast Asia, with Thailand and Vietnam being the most likely venues. Malaysia could also be considered. However, he added that nothing had been confirmed yet. He had chosen Italian award winning director Tornatore, as he was famous for making women-centric films, Okamoto said.
The Japanese producer, who had a chance to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the early 1990s, said he has been working on the film for several years and had finally, thought of commencing shooting.
"I have been trying to make this film for the past ten years and we have already met three times [with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] and also got the permission from her for creating this film," Okamoto said.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burma's independence hero General Aung San, who spearheaded the Burmese independence movement against the British colonial rulers. Educated at Oxford University and married to an English scholar, Suu Kyi, returned to her homeland in 1988, only to be met with political chaos, where the student-led protestors put an end to the more then 20 years of one party rule in the country.
She was catapulted to lead the Burmese Opposition after her public speeches during the time of protests. She later formed a political party – the National League for Democracy – which won a landslide victory in the 1990 General Elections.
Despite leading her party to victory, Suu Kyi was never allowed to govern the country, which her father had envisaged as a free and prosperous nation. Instead, the military rulers had her put under house arrest, detaining her for the past 12 of 18 years.
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)